In article <1993Mar27.234926.9670@ncsu.edu>, wjstewar@eos.ncsu.edu (WILLIAM JAMES STEWART) writes:
> 
> I was stationed in the Netherlands for almost two years and
> visited a lot of coffee shops in Amsterdam, Zwolle, and other
> cities.  Luckily I was never busted for THC on a drug test and
> we had quite a few of those.  Anyway, now I am in a marketing 
> class and my topic is a theoretical coffee shop in the Netherlands 
> and how its product (Marijuana and Hash) would be marketed.  I am
> requesting information for:
>   
>      1)  When marijuana was decriminalized in Holland?
> 
>      2)  How a coffee shop can operate without harrassment from
>          the police (since they obviously are in possession of 
>          more than the 30 grams allowed by law)?
> 
>      3)  Statistics on the average Dutch user (be it Surinam,
>          German, Dutch national, Morrocan, or Turkish) in respect
>          to age and sex.
> 
>      4)  Actual number of coffee shops and how much revenue the
>          marijuana market IN THE NETHERLANDS generates.
> 
> I am not interested in the U.S. drug scene and statistics, 
> the effects of marijuana, or information concerning any other drug.
> 
> Any information or reference sources would be appreciated. Thanks.
>
This doesn't answer any of your specific questions but it may be of interest.   
In response to the request for information on the situation in the 
Netherland's, here is a "Fact sheet" which the Dutch consul here in 
New Zealand supplied. It is a bit old now (1989) so it may pay to enquire
with the Dutch embassy as regards the current situation.
This was scanned in and does contain errors. A three column table
listing offences,substances and maximum penalties has been split in two
by the scanning but it's fairly obvious how to put it back together again.
Where the main text is interrupted and resumed by tables, this is identified.
Sorry but I haven;t time just at the moment to put an unblemished copy in.

The Dutch are under fire to abandon their pragmatic drug policies. The other
EC countries are worried about the borders that are to be opened up.
In my view their attitude to drugs in general leaves a lot to be desired
but their pragmatism is to be admired.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------

Netherlands,Ministry of Welfare,Health and Cultural Affairs
Fact Sheet -19-E-1989

Sir W. Churchilllaan 368       ; _
Postbus 5406
2280 HK Rilswijk     O
The Netherlands                 _~





Drug policy

The primary aim of the drug policy pursued in the 
Netherlands is the safeguarding of health. Although the 
attention focused on such questions as drug related 
crimes and drug trafficking sometimes seems to over-
shadow concern for health problems, this latter aspect~ 
has always been kept in mind during policy develop-
ment. It is for this reason that the Minister for Welfare, 
Health and Cultural Affairs has been made responsible 
for coordinating the government's drug policy to which 
there are two facets: the enforcement of the Opium Act 
and policy on prevention and assistance. The central 
objective is to restrict as much as possible the risks that 
drug abuse present to drug users themselves, their 
immediate environment and society as a whole. These 
risks, or the likelihood of harmful effects, are dependent 
not only on the psychotropic or other properties of the 
substance, but primarily on the type of user, the reasons 
for use and the circumstances in which the drugs are 
taken. 
A realistic and pragmatic approach has been opted for 
in Dutch drugs policy, which proceeds on the principle 
that only cohesive, balanced and multidisciplinary 
measures can help to keep the drugs problem in check. 
Experience has shown that a pragmatic approach aimed 
at seeking solutions for concrete problems is more 
effective than one that is emotional and dogmatic. 
There is no question of a laissez-faire attitude being 
taken. It is part of Dutch tradition that whatever the 
problem to be tackled, the effectiveness of the measures 
to be applied is always closely scrutinized. This means 
that various policy instruments such as prosecution and 
the health care and welfare services are continuously 
subjected to cost-benefit; analysis. Legislation is ob-
viously considered important in the Netherlands, but 
great value is likewise attached to strongly organised 
social control. 
This realistic approach has obviated the application of 
radical measures (such as compulsory treatment on the 
one hand or the provision of heroin), which may create 
the impression that vigorous action is being taken to 
combat drug abuse, but often generate more problems 
than they solve. Although the risks to society must of 
course be taken into account, the government tries to 
ensure that drug users are not caused more harm by 
prosecution and imprisonment than by the use of drugs 
themselves. Dutch policy is also continuously seeking 
to strike the right balance between the different types of 
measures. This takes place at national level in close 
cooperation between the Ministry of Justice and the 
Ministry of Welfare, Health and Cultural Affairs. The 
Interministerial Steering Group on Drug Misuse Policy 
was set up in 1974 to coordinate the work of these


ministries, in 1982 the Group's responsibilities were 
extended to include policy on alcohol abuse.

Current situation 
The use of hashish and marijuana (known as Schedule ll 
substances, see below) by young people has remained 
stable in recent years. In 1984, 4.2% of the 10 of 18 age 
group had used these substances at least once and half 
of them still do so occasionally. One in 1,000 is a daily 
user. The findings of a survey held in Amsterdam in 
December 1987 revealed that 23.6% of persons over the 
age of 12 (in other words including adults) had at some 
time used hashish. Last-month prevalence of cannabis 
use (people who have used cannabis once or more 
often in the previous month) appeared to be 5.5%; the 
highest last month-prevalence was found in the age 
bracket of 23 and 24 years: 14.5%. 0.4% had used 
opiates once or more often in the month prior to the 
interview; this last month-prevalence was 0.6% for 
cocaine. 
It has been estimated that there are between 4,000 and 
6,000 addicts in Amsterdam out of a population of 
692,000. Reliable estimates for 1989 put the number of 
addicts in the country as a whole at between 15,000 and 
20,000 out of a total population of 14.7 million. 
A number of general trends have emerged: 
- the extent of the overall problem appears to be 
stabilising and is even decreasing in some cities; 
- over the years drug abuse seems to have increased 
among groups in a relatively disadvantaged social 
and economic position, particularly among ethnic 
minorities; 
- the use of cocaine is increasing, though not alar-
ag so; 
- heroin users tend not to restrict their use to heroin, 
but combine all manner of substances, including 
psychotropic substances and alcohol; 
- the age of users is rising and today lies between 25 
and 35; people are older when they take drugs for the 
first time.

The Opium Act 
The Opium Act of 1919 was radically amended in 1928 
and again in 1976 in order to bring it into line with the 
obligations stemming from the 1961 international 
Single Convention On Narcotic Drugs concluded at New 
York. The Netherlands is also a party to the 1972 Protocol 
containing amendments to the Single Convention. A Bill 
ratifying the accession to the 1971 Convention on 
Psychotropic Substances is currently being prepared. 
Responsibility for implementing the Opium Act rests 
jointly with the Minister forWelfare, Health and Cultural


Affairs and the Minister of Justice. The possession, sale, 
transport, trafficking, manufacture, etc., of all drugs, 
except for medical or scientific purposes, is now dee-
med a punishable offence. The Opium Act also provides 
for the strict supervision of the production and medical 
use of the drugs referred to in the Act. This pragmatic 
approach means that hemp (cannabis) products and 
other drugs are subject to different statutory penalties. 
Policy in the administration of criminal justice likewise 
maintains a clear-cut distinction between drug users 
and traffickers, one of its aims being to avoid classifying 
the actions of users as offences, as they would then no 
longer be accessible to any form of prevention or 
intervention. A distinction is also made between 'drugs 
presenting unacceptable risks' (such as heroin, cocaine, 
LSD, amphetamines and hash oil), classified as Sche-
dule I drugs in the Opium Act, and 'hemp (cannabis) 
products', classified as Schedule ll substances in the 
Opium Act. The possession of any of these substances 
for personal use is subject to less severe penalties than 
possession for the purpose of trafficking. The following 
table indicates the maximum penalty which can be 
imposed for offences involving various substances.

Prosecution policy and the expediency principle 
One of the basic premises of Dutch criminal procedure 
is the expediency principle laid down in the Code of 
Criminal Procedure whereby the Public Prosecutions 
Department is empowered to refrain from instituting 
criminal proceedings if there are weighty public inte-
rests to be considered 'on grounds deriving from the 
general good'. Guidelines have therefore been establis-
hed for detecting and prosecuting offences under the 
Opium Act. Similar guidelines also exist for other 
offences such as the illegal possession of firearms, 
pirate broadcasting, and exceeding the speed limit. The 
guidelines contain recommendations regarding the

....text interrupted for a table of offences, and explanatory notes...
(a glitch of the scanner)

Substance    Offence

 importing or exporting 
(trafficking) 
selling, transporting, 
manufacturing 
planning import or 
export, etc. 
possession
1. Schedule I substances
(opiates, cocaine, etc.)
2. Schedule I substances
(opiates, cocaine, etc.)
3. Schedule I substances
(opiates, cocaine, etc.)
4. Schedule I substances
(opiates, cocaine, etc.)
5. Hemp products
(hashish & marijuana)
6. Hemp products
(hashish & marijuana)
7. Schedule I substances
(opiates, cocaine, etc.)
8. Hemp products   selling, manufacturing,
(hashish & marijuana)     possession of up to
      30 grams


 import or export 
(trafficki ng ) 
selling, manufacturing, 
possession 
possession for personal 
use





Explanatory notes 
Offences which are punishable underthe Opium Act are subject 
to the general criminal law provision whereby the maximum 
penalty may be increased by one-third when the offence has 
been committed more than once. The maximum penalty would 
then be 16 years' imprisonment. 
- Other offences, such as advertising the sale/supply of drugs, 
are covered by the Opium Act. 
- Contrary to the general rule, offences under the Opium Act 
may carry both a penalty of a fine and an unconditional term 
of imprisonment 
- If the value of the things with which such offences have been 
committed or which have been obtained wholly or partially 
by means of such offences, exceeds a quarter of the 
maximum fine, a fine of one category higher may be 
imposed: Fl.100,000.- would become Fl.1,000,000.-. 

- In accordance with an amendment to the Opium Act in 1985,
  both trafficking and activities preparatory to trafficking in
  Schedule I drugs are now offences. This enables action to be
  taken at an earlier stage in the chain of trafficking operations
  and provides greater opportunities for dealing with the
  organisers. Furthermore, any person who attempts to
  import drugs into the Netherlands, or who makes prepara-
  tions to do so or assists another in doing so, is liable to
  prosecution in the Netherlands, regardless of their nationali-
  ty. In general, 'conspiring' or planning to commit an offence
  is not deemed punishable in Dutch criminal law.
- A Bill is currently being prepared which will greatly facilitate
  the detection, freezing and confiscation of the proceeds of
  criminal acts, thereby considerably increasing the efficiency
  with which national and international drugs traffic can be
  combated.

---main text continued---
penalties to be imposed and set out the priorities to be
observed in detecting and prosecuting offences. The
'Guidelines for detection and prosecution policy for
offences under the Opium Act' established in 1976 are
based on the priorities already laid down in the Opium
Act. Setting priorities implies making choices, and it is
self-evident that higher priority will be given to dealing
with serious offences than with minor delinquencies.
Action against hemp products is usually preceded by
tripartite consultation between the burgomaster, public
prosecutor and chief of police. The guidelines include
recommendations on the detection of the offences
referred to above. However, no special action is taken by
the police to detect offences involving possession of
drugs for personal use, or selling or possessing up to 30
grams of hemp products. Should they come across very
small quantities of drugs the police will, however,
impound them. The low priority accorded the posses-
sion and sale of up to 30 grams of hemp products has
resulted in dealers selling small quantities of hemp
products in youth centres and coffee shops. The authori-
ties keep an eye on these sales points, and if trade
becomes too brisk the centre or coffee shop is closed.
Policy aims to maintain a separation between the
ma,ket for drugs presenting unacceptable risks and the
market for hemp products, so that people who use the
latter can do so openly and not slide into the fringes of 
society. If young people experimenting with drugs are
obliged to buy the relatively less dangerous hemp
products on the illegal market where drugs presenting
unacceptable risks also circulate, there is a great risk of
their turning to the latter at some point. This process is
countered by taking a relatively tolerant attitude towards
small-scale dealing in hemp products as conducted in
cafes, and at the same time restricting trafficking in
other drugs as much as possible.

The situation is constantly under review at local level:
... text interrupted again for table...

Substance           Maximum Penalty           
(refer earlier table)
1.          12 years' imprisonment and/or
          Fl.100,000.- fine
2.          8 years' imprisonment and/or
          Fl.100,000.- fine
3.          6 years' imprisonment and/or
          Fl.100,000.- fine
4.          4 years' imprisonment and/or r
          Fl.100,000.- fine
5.          4 years' imprisonment and/or
          Fl.25,000.- fine
6.          2 years' imprisonment and/or
          Fl.100,000.- fine
7.          1 years' imprisonment and/or
          Fl.100,000.- fine
8.         1 month's imprisonment and/or
          Fl.5,000.- fine

.... text resumes....


where there is no risk of users 'going underground' 
action is taken against these coffee shops, mostly in the 
smaller towns. 
This attitude is keeping dealing in hashish as much as 
possible out of criminal circles, which in turn has 
resulted in demythologising its use and making it less 
attractive to young people.

Police and judiciary 
The larger Municipal Police forces have special criminal 
investigation departments dealing exclusively with 
offences under the Opium Act. They receive support 
from other ClDs or from uniformed police when underta-
king major operations. The National and Municipal 
Police work in close cooperation with the Central 
Narcotics Agency of the National Criminal Intelligence 
Service (CRI) in The Hague. The CRI collects information 
in the Netherlands and abroad and passes it on to the 
local police, one of its sources being specially appointed 
drugs liaison officers stationed in Thailand, Pakistan, 
Peru and elsewhere. A number of foreign police forces 
have staff stationed in the Netherlands, thus ensuring 
fruitful cooperation, under the aegis of the CRI, between 
their countries and the Netherlands. 
The police are responsible to the Public Prosecutions 
Department, which is divided into a number of Public 
Prosecutor's Offices, to each of which one or more 
Public Prosecutors are assigned to deal with offences 
under the Opium Act. 
The Dutch police use modern methods of detection, 
including undercover agents, in their investigation of 
serious offences under the Opium Act and other forms 
of organised crime. These agents, who operate in close 
cooperation with the Public Prosecutions Department, 
endeavour to expose networks of drug traffickers by 
presenting themselves as purchasers of narcotics. In 
1987 a national unit was established as part of the CRI to 
support these activities. 
The Netherlands, being the gateway to Europe, has 
always been a country through which goods have been 
transshipped. Rotterdam is the biggest port in the 
world. Relatively small quantities of drugs can easily 
enter the country, concealed among large quantities of 
legal goods, particularly in containers. The Dutch 
investigation services cooperate closely with other 
countries to combat this practice. The Rotterdam 
customs department now uses computers to detect 
suspect cargoes, which has greatly improved the 
efficacy of their operations, dealing, as they have to do, 
with the enormous quantities of goods that pass 
throuyh Rotterdam daily. The Dutch police and judiciary 
also use the 'controlled delivery' method. After the 
detection of a shipment of drugs police officers practise 
discrete surveillance in order to ascertain their ultimate 
destination, and confiscate them only after the receivers 
have been arrested. This method is also used in coopera-
tion with the criminal investigation authorities of other 
countries.

Legislation 
Legislation is currently being prepared at the Ministry of 
Justice which will enable money obtained through 
criminal activities to be confiscated far more easily than 
is at present the case. Statutory provisions allowing 
illegal gains to be seized are of prime importance in 

combating the activities of drug traffickers. The Dutch 
Government considers international cooperation in this 
area essential. The new international convention for 
combating traffic in drugs, which was drawn up under 
the aegis of the United Nations at the end of 1988, may 
well prove an appropriate instrument for this purpose.

Prison system 
The tougher line taken by the police and judiciary has 
led to a shortage of prison facilities. Prison building 
programmes are taking into account that of the 2,000 
new cells to be completed in 1990,1,200 will have to be 
reserved for offenders under the Opium Act. 
In an effort to control drug smuggling and drug use in 
prisons, the government decreed in 1988 that inmates 
may be subjected to a urine test, which, if it reveals drug 
use, may lead to transferral to a prison with a stricter 
regime. Prisoners may themselves choose to be placed 
in drug-free sections where assistance can be obtained 
from a medical consultation bureau for alcohol and 
drug addicts (CAD, see below). There are also program-
mes for facilitating social rehabilitation.

Combating illegal production 
The Netherlands is closely involved in efforts to sup-
press cocaine and heroin production in the countries 
where these drugs are traditionally produced. It encoura-
ges developments in this direction and participates in 
projects designed to strengthen the social and economic 
infrastructure of these countries, for example by introdu-
cing substitute crops in the Pakistan UNFDAC project 
(Fl. 7 million). The Netherlands also contributes to the 
United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control.

Policy on aid and prevention 
The following are the most important principles in 
Dutch policy on aid and prevention: 
a. a multi-functional network of medical and social 
services, geared to the problem as a whole, should 
be built up at local or regional level; 
b. aid must be easily accessible; 
c. the social rehabilitation of present and former drug 
addicts should be promoted; 
d. the fullest use should be made of services not 
specifically geared to the drug problem, such as 
general practitioners and youth welfare services; 
e. since there is more to prevention than publicity 
campaigns, the role of information should not be 
overestimated; preference should be given to a 
general health education campaign for young 
people of which information on drug abuse is part, 
rather than that drugs be made a separate issue;

a. A multi-functional network 
The development of aid networks is dependent at local 
level on municipal executives and may vary from town 
to town. If necessary, municipal authorities may coope-
rate to form a regional network. The pattern of services 
provided by different local networks also varies, combi-
ning any of the following: 
- Non-residential services (field work, social counsel-
ling, therapy, the supply of methadone, rehabilita-
tion); 
- Semi-residential services (day/night centres, day-care 
treatment, employment and recreation projects); 
- Residential care (crisis and detoxification centres, 

drug dependence units, drug-free therapeutic com-
munities).

b. Making help more accessible 
Every effort is made to reach and assist as many addicts 
as possible, which approach can claim a success rate of 
between 70% and 80%. Assistance is not aimed solely 
at combating addiction and the behaviour associated 
with it, since people who do not feel the need to get off 
drugs or are not capable of doing so, would remain 
beyond the reach of help, which could lead to further 
social isolation, degradation and marginalization. There


are forms of assistance which are not primarily intended 
to end addiction as such but to improve addicts' physical 
well-being and help them to function in society, the 
inability to give up drug use being accepted as a fact for 
the time being. This kind of assistance is called 'harm 
reduction' and may take the form of field work, initial 
reception, the supply of substitute drugs, material 
support and opportunities for social rehabilitation. 
Failure to provide this type of care and support, would 
simply make matters worse and increase the risk to the 
individual and to society. The long-term objective of this 
approach is to help addicts achieve a drug-free existen-
ce. 
The broad ambit and easy accessibility of care are also 
regarded as essential to the effective implementation of 
aids prevention measures. These include information 
on 'safe' sex and 'safe' drug use which, in most cities, 
includes 'new syringes and needles for old' exchange 
programmes. A number of cities are conducting easily 
accessible, informal assistance projects for prostitutes 
who are addicted to drugs, and organising self-help 
groups, including what are known as junkie unions. 
Aids tests can be taken voluntarily at the Municipal 
Health Services.

c. Promoting social rehabilitation 
Promoting the social rehabilitation of addicts and 
former addicts is of importance as they generally have 
little prospect of obtaining work or some other meaning-
ful occupation, training or accommodation. Attention is 
therefore given at the earliest possible stage to develo-
ping realistic alternatives for addicts. This means that 
assistance in such matters as housing (supervised or 
otherwise), training and finding appropriate employ-
ment is not only important in the after-care stage, but is 
indispensable from the outset. Only then can addicts be 
sufficiently motivated to take part in an assistance 
programme.

d. Greater and more efficient use of primary care 
facilities 
In recent years it has been realised that services specifi-
cally for addicts must be limited to the absolutely 
essential to avoid restricting the accessibility of aid 
services and to avoid stigmatising drug users. Projects 
have been set up to encourage addicts and former 
addicts to make use of general facilities, including 
health and social services and youth welfare and 
housing facilities that are available to all members of 
the public, as a means of preserving or re-establishing 
social integration.

e. Prevention 
The basic premise here is that information on the risks 
of drug use and on the risks attaching to the abuse of 
alcohol and tobacco should be presented together. This 
general information has been incorporated in the 
primary school subject 'healthy living'. Secondary 
school pupils are also encouraged to act responsibly in 
this respect. The significance of information as a means 
of preventing drug (and alcohol) abuse should not be 
overestimated, however. Various studies have shown 
that publicity is ineffective in preventing the problem of 
drug abuse, particularly where it seeks to emphasize the 
dangers involved by presenting warning, deterring or 

sensational facts. Publicity of this kind, which is likely to 
be one-sided and often counter-productive, is therefore 
rejected by the Dutch government which is likewise 
disinclined to conduct mass media campaigns on the 
subject. The example of parents and other role models 
has been found to be of greater influence. Research into 
the lifestyles of heroin addicts in the Netherlands has

given rise to new attitudes towards prevention and 
widened understanding for the reasons why people 
turn to drugs; it has also called into question the 
possibility of prevention, especially by means of infor-
mation. Moreover, it was found that to start using drugs 
does not automatically lead to addiction. A large 
number of people experiment with drugs without 
actually becoming addicted. There are many types of 
users with many different lifestyles. Measures to 
prevent occasional users from becoming addicted are 
therefore extremely important and preventing problems 
is accordingly given greater emphasis than preventing 
the use of drugs. 
In view of the above, the Dutch government believes 
that drug use should be shorn of its taboo image and its 
sensational and emotional overtones. The image of the 
addict should be demythologised and reduced to its real 
proportions, for it is precisely the stigma paradoxically 
enough, that exercises such a strong attraction on some 
young people. 
Drug users should be treated as far as possible as 
'normal' people of whom 'normal' demands are made 
and who are given 'normal' opportunities. This means 
that drug users, or even addicts, should not be regarded 
primarily as criminals nor as dependent. helpless 
patients. They too have their responsibilities and 
obligations, and addiction cannot be an excuse for 
criminal behaviour. It is obvious from the lifestyles of 
many drug users that they have to a certain extent been 
consciously chosen.

Services, organisations and funding

Medical and social/ services: the Medical Consultation 
Bureaus for Alcohol and Drug Problems 
The Medical Consultation Bureaus for Alcohol and Drug 
Problems (CADs) are autonomous non-governmental 
institutions, the entire costs of which are borne directly 
by central government provided they conform to certain 
conditions. 75% of these funds are provided by the 
Ministry of Welfare, Health and Cultural Affairs and 25% 
by the Ministry of Justice, since the CADs are also active 
in the field of probation. The CADs are concerned with 
alcoholics and drug addicts whose problems are in 
many respects similar. Although the CADs primarily 
provide non-residential mental health care, their servi-
ces are oriented towards social welfare, as the majority 
of their staff (900 in all) are social workers. The objec-
tives of individual CADs may vary somewhat from 
overcoming addiction through treatment to stabilising 
the condition of addicts by supplying methadone on a 
'maintenance basis', which means that the dosage is 
not gradually reduced to nil, as is the case when the 
drug is supplied on a 'reduction basis'. A variety of 
methods are used, including psychotherapy, group 
therapy, material assistance, family therapy, counsel-
ling, and advising groups of parents. An increasingly 
important area of the CADs' work is to advise teachers 

and members of general health and welfare services, 
such as general practitioners and youth workers, so that 
they themselves are able to inform and advise others. A 
further aspect of the CADs' work is the initial reception 
of alcoholics and drug addicts in police stations, where 
an effort is made to establish contact that will lead to the 
acceptance of assistance and counselling during and 
after detention in penal institutions. 
The nationwide network of CADs comprises 17 main 
branches, 44 subsidiary branches and 45 consulting 
rooms. The total budget for 1989 amounts to Fl. 72 
million.


      Municipal methadone programmes
      Several municipal authorities have set up their own
      methadone programmes which are run by the municipal
      health care services (budget: approx. Fl. 7 million). The
      drug may be supplied on a reduction basis (the dose is
      gradually reduced) or on a maintenance basis (a con-
      stant dose). Methadone is now supplied either by a CAD
      or the municipal health care service in virtually all
      municipalities with a drug problem. At the beginning of
      1988 methadone was being supplied to 6,500 addicts
      daily in approximately 55 municipalities.

      Social welfare services ~youth projects~
      The projects for young people are part of a wide range
      of social welfare services aimed partly or specifically at
      drug users, and geared primarily to prevention. Multi-
      ple-risk groups are not uncommon, such as the unem-
      ployed, ethnic minorities, and young people from
      marginal groups. The choice of projects can best be
      made at local level. The projects listed below concen-
      trate on different types of aid and are geared to young
      people in particular: they are easily accessible and are
      designed to have the widest possible outreach.
      a. projects aimed at preventing the social isolation of
        addicts;
      b. projects aimed at making contact with addicts and
C       referring them to general or specialised aid agencies;
      c. social assistance and crisis centre projects;
      d. day and night centres where psychosocial assistance
        is provided;
      e. social rehabilitation projects for addicts and former
        addicts, comprising such facilities as supervised
        accommodation, vocational and other training,
        assistance in adjusting to work, and possibly after-
        care following some form of treatment.
      Finally, a number of services are targeted to specific
      groups on the basis of their religious affiliation or ethnic
      and cultural identity. The total budget for 1989 amounts
      to approximately Fl. 50 million for almost 90 projects in
      45 municipalities. Roughly one half of the total spent on
      assistance to addicts is allocated to the four major
      cities, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht,
      whilst one third is spent on people from former Dutch
      colonies overseas. Assistance to addicts of Surinamese
      origin has increased considerably, drug use among
      Moluccans is decreasing sharply, whilst youngsters
r     from the Mediterranean countries, including Morocco,
~_    are turning to drugs in greater numbers. Some 500
      people are employed in these services.

      Residential facilities
      Residential facilities for the treatment of drug addicts
      and alcoholics are situated throughout the Netherlands,
      providing a total of 900 beds for the two categories of
      patients between which no sharp distinction is made.
      These facilities may take the form of independent clinics
      or special units in general psychiatric hospitals.
      Various types of treatment are available:
      - crisis intervention and detoxification which may last
       between two days and three weeks;
      - clinical treatment lasting from three months to a
       year, aimed at overcoming addiction.
      These facilities cost about FL. 80 million in 1989 and are
      funded from contributions made under the Exceptional
      Medical Expenses (Compensation) Act.


The following Fact Sheets are available in this 
series: 
Welfare work for minorities (FS-1-E; FS-2-E) 
Health care (FS-4-E) 
Care of the aged (FS-5-E) 
Broadcasting (FS-7-E) 
Cultural policy (FS-8-E) 
The preservation of monuments (FS-9-E) 
Home help services (FS-11-E) 
Sports (FS-12-E) 
Music and dance (FS-13-E) 
Film (FS-15-E) 
Social policy on the handicapped (FS-18-E) 
Child abuse (FS-20-E) 
Voluntary work (FS-21-E) 
Press (FS-23-E) 
Literature (FS-28-E) 
Public libraries (FS-30-E) 
Museums and museum policy (FS-31-E) 
Archaeology (FS-32-E) 
Public records (FS-33-E) 
Adult education (FS-35-E)

--
There was a recent (Feb I think) article in  Time magazine
which had a bit on Dutch drug policy and an attack by the French on it.
I also have a recent statement from the Dutch embassy which I might post if I 
get time. 

Brandon Hutchison,University of Canterbury,Christchurch
                  New Zealand